Councillor's Corner
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Lifetime Bluff resident serving his third term in office as representative
of the area. Member of the Democratic Alliance.
of the area. Member of the Democratic Alliance.
This weeks Councillor comments
| Duncan Du Bois |
Phone:467-0343 or mobile:083 291-4913
Municipal Manager - Dr Sutcliffe: Tel 311-2130 ;
SutcliffeM@durban.gov.za
SutcliffeM@durban.gov.za
Report dumping or unauthorised use of verges; Phone 311-7448
Metro All-Call / All hours Tel No.: 361-0000
Metro Police: Tel 402-0680
Brighton Beach SAPS: Tel 451 8060 / 8059
Brighton Beach Community Policing Forum Chairman: Carl Knauff : 082 449-6503
Metro All-Call / All hours Tel No.: 361-0000
Metro Police: Tel 402-0680
Brighton Beach SAPS: Tel 451 8060 / 8059
Brighton Beach Community Policing Forum Chairman: Carl Knauff : 082 449-6503
Useful Contacts
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| Bluff Ward 66 Sub Pages |
Beware the Big-Man syndrome
•Fri, 31 Aug 2007
As Africa’s history shows, Big Man-type rule invariably accedes to power under such conditions, writes
DUNCAN DU BOIS
The solidarity shown by SADC leaders with the tyrant Robert Mugabe at the recent SADC summit in Lusaka
not only affirmed the stricken historical path Africa continues to tread, but also signalled that South Africa is
positioned to experience the same fate.
Fifty years have passed since Ghana’s independence in 1957 precipitated the independence of the rest of
the continent. Starting with Ghana, a pattern of socio-economic decline has occurred that has been
repeated in every African state except Botswana.
Historian Paul Johnson credits the professional politician with this ruin. From the outset the professional
politician’s view of the prospect of independence was quite different from that of the masses. They looked
forward to justice and upliftment, while he saw the new political dispensation as a platform for personal
enrichment. In the years since 1960, the professional politician has had a field day. Independence has
come to mean the right to elect (and re-elect) politicians whose promises have impoverished the masses.
Inherent in this situation are what Johnson calls “two fatal fallacies”. The first is that all economic problems
can be solved by political means.
“What politics [such as colonialism] had done, politics could undo.” Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana embraced
this wholeheartedly. “African unity is above all a political kingdom which can be gained only by political
means,” he stated in May 1963 (Modern Times). The second fallacy is what Johnson terms the charismatic
personality also called the Big Man. By propagating the view that his role in the creation of Ghana had been
so prodigious, Nkrumah encouraged his supporters to call him “the Redeemer”. By 1961, the Redeemer
had exalted himself to the point where his utterances became holy writ.
“No African,” he said, “can have an opinion that differs from mine.” From him, other African leaders took their
cue. Julius Nyerere of Tanzania was called “Teacher”, Hastings Banda of Malawi was known as
“Conqueror” or “Saviour”. Idi Amin of Uganda was called “Big Daddy”, while Joseph Mobutu of Congo
preferred the ideology of “Mobutuism” to cultism.
The combination of the politicised economy and the entrenched, professional politician ring-fenced by an
elite of praise singers ensured that Ghana’s economy and constitutionality nose-dived. In 1966, the
Redeemer was toppled by a military coup. It was the only way to end his despotism since he had removed
all constitutional means of doing so.
Sadly, the object lessons of Ghana’s demise have been studiously ignored by the rest of the continent. That
same pattern of ruin and dissolution has been repeated again and again. Yet Ghana’s experience under
Nkrumah continues to highlight the reasons upliftment eludes Africa. Of course, nowadays, the rhetoric has
changed. For the benefit of foreign donors and investors the new political aristocracy routinely extols the
virtues of democracy and the rule of law. But as the Lusaka summit showed, the current political elite is as
flawed as that of Nkrumah’s generation.
Instead of breaking with Mugabe because of his despotic destruction of Zimbabwe, SADC leaders,
shamefully led by Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, embraced him. By that single act they demonstrated that
they pay lip service to democracy and human rights, that they prioritise the survival of their political caste
system above the desperate plight of millions of their fellow Africans who Mugabe has turned into refugees
and that, as a group, they are as detached from their fellow Africans as Nkrumah and the earlier elites were.
Despite the faults of South Africa’s past — the elite political caste system developed by the National Party
and the inequalities of apartheid — improvements in service delivery were realised, hospitals were staffed
and functioned, the gap between rich and poor was less, standards were maintained and skills were
nurtured. The same cannot be said of South Africa after 13 years of African National Congress rule.
The economy is increasingly politicised, the electorate is progressively disillusioned with service delivery
and its costs, while the political elite is ring-fenced against censure. Relishing these developments are the
political ambitions of a cultist, Big Man leader in the form of Jacob Zuma.
Couched in terms of employment equity and empowerment, and bolstered by socialist ideology, economic
policy today is far more politicised than under apartheid. The new political czars think that a fast-tracked set
of black multi-millionaires can anchor the economy as effectively as the Raymond Ackermans whose
wealth generation is the product of a lifetime of hard work and enterprise.
Despite a skills shortage, the new czars sanction policies which result in the emigration of white skills.
Although food security is under dire threat, they persist with land handovers and claims, which further
marginalise agricultural output and prospects.
Dysfunctional state departments awash with fraud and corruption inevitably mean poor to non-existent
service delivery. Yet nobody is sacked for incompetence. In many areas of the country cronyism rules.
Democracy is only about the duty to re-elect the ruling party.
As Africa’s history shows, Big Man-type rule invariably accedes to power under such conditions. As Mbeki’s
tenure limps to its end, Zuma has all the right credentials for the part of Big Man ruler. Only three things
stand in his way: the independence of the courts, a vigorous press and the Democratic Alliance. The
weakening or loss of any one of those will cripple the others. Quo vadis, South Africa?
• Duncan Du Bois is a Durban Metro DA ward councillor. He writes in his private capacity.
•Fri, 31 Aug 2007
As Africa’s history shows, Big Man-type rule invariably accedes to power under such conditions, writes
DUNCAN DU BOIS
The solidarity shown by SADC leaders with the tyrant Robert Mugabe at the recent SADC summit in Lusaka
not only affirmed the stricken historical path Africa continues to tread, but also signalled that South Africa is
positioned to experience the same fate.
Fifty years have passed since Ghana’s independence in 1957 precipitated the independence of the rest of
the continent. Starting with Ghana, a pattern of socio-economic decline has occurred that has been
repeated in every African state except Botswana.
Historian Paul Johnson credits the professional politician with this ruin. From the outset the professional
politician’s view of the prospect of independence was quite different from that of the masses. They looked
forward to justice and upliftment, while he saw the new political dispensation as a platform for personal
enrichment. In the years since 1960, the professional politician has had a field day. Independence has
come to mean the right to elect (and re-elect) politicians whose promises have impoverished the masses.
Inherent in this situation are what Johnson calls “two fatal fallacies”. The first is that all economic problems
can be solved by political means.
“What politics [such as colonialism] had done, politics could undo.” Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana embraced
this wholeheartedly. “African unity is above all a political kingdom which can be gained only by political
means,” he stated in May 1963 (Modern Times). The second fallacy is what Johnson terms the charismatic
personality also called the Big Man. By propagating the view that his role in the creation of Ghana had been
so prodigious, Nkrumah encouraged his supporters to call him “the Redeemer”. By 1961, the Redeemer
had exalted himself to the point where his utterances became holy writ.
“No African,” he said, “can have an opinion that differs from mine.” From him, other African leaders took their
cue. Julius Nyerere of Tanzania was called “Teacher”, Hastings Banda of Malawi was known as
“Conqueror” or “Saviour”. Idi Amin of Uganda was called “Big Daddy”, while Joseph Mobutu of Congo
preferred the ideology of “Mobutuism” to cultism.
The combination of the politicised economy and the entrenched, professional politician ring-fenced by an
elite of praise singers ensured that Ghana’s economy and constitutionality nose-dived. In 1966, the
Redeemer was toppled by a military coup. It was the only way to end his despotism since he had removed
all constitutional means of doing so.
Sadly, the object lessons of Ghana’s demise have been studiously ignored by the rest of the continent. That
same pattern of ruin and dissolution has been repeated again and again. Yet Ghana’s experience under
Nkrumah continues to highlight the reasons upliftment eludes Africa. Of course, nowadays, the rhetoric has
changed. For the benefit of foreign donors and investors the new political aristocracy routinely extols the
virtues of democracy and the rule of law. But as the Lusaka summit showed, the current political elite is as
flawed as that of Nkrumah’s generation.
Instead of breaking with Mugabe because of his despotic destruction of Zimbabwe, SADC leaders,
shamefully led by Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, embraced him. By that single act they demonstrated that
they pay lip service to democracy and human rights, that they prioritise the survival of their political caste
system above the desperate plight of millions of their fellow Africans who Mugabe has turned into refugees
and that, as a group, they are as detached from their fellow Africans as Nkrumah and the earlier elites were.
Despite the faults of South Africa’s past — the elite political caste system developed by the National Party
and the inequalities of apartheid — improvements in service delivery were realised, hospitals were staffed
and functioned, the gap between rich and poor was less, standards were maintained and skills were
nurtured. The same cannot be said of South Africa after 13 years of African National Congress rule.
The economy is increasingly politicised, the electorate is progressively disillusioned with service delivery
and its costs, while the political elite is ring-fenced against censure. Relishing these developments are the
political ambitions of a cultist, Big Man leader in the form of Jacob Zuma.
Couched in terms of employment equity and empowerment, and bolstered by socialist ideology, economic
policy today is far more politicised than under apartheid. The new political czars think that a fast-tracked set
of black multi-millionaires can anchor the economy as effectively as the Raymond Ackermans whose
wealth generation is the product of a lifetime of hard work and enterprise.
Despite a skills shortage, the new czars sanction policies which result in the emigration of white skills.
Although food security is under dire threat, they persist with land handovers and claims, which further
marginalise agricultural output and prospects.
Dysfunctional state departments awash with fraud and corruption inevitably mean poor to non-existent
service delivery. Yet nobody is sacked for incompetence. In many areas of the country cronyism rules.
Democracy is only about the duty to re-elect the ruling party.
As Africa’s history shows, Big Man-type rule invariably accedes to power under such conditions. As Mbeki’s
tenure limps to its end, Zuma has all the right credentials for the part of Big Man ruler. Only three things
stand in his way: the independence of the courts, a vigorous press and the Democratic Alliance. The
weakening or loss of any one of those will cripple the others. Quo vadis, South Africa?
• Duncan Du Bois is a Durban Metro DA ward councillor. He writes in his private capacity.
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You can contact Councillor D Du Bois by e-mail @ dubois@axxess.co.za
| Statement by Helen Zille Leader of the Democratic Alliance December'07 The ANC under Zuma: Hope lies in building the opposition The outcome of the ANC’s NEC meeting confirms that it has been irreversibly captured by populists, careerists and convicted criminals. The hope in South Africa now lies in building a moderate, non- racial opposition to the Zuma ANC.The Zuma camp’s clean sweep of the NWC and his reaffirmation as the ANC’s presidential candidate mean that Zuma has won the battle for the soul of the ANC. There is no way back now. This is a party willing to sacrifice principle at the altar of power as the election of Tony Yengeni’s election to the NWC amply demonstrates. This confirms the outcome of the election of the NEC which demonstrated the same expedience with the election of a range of candidates that have been convinced for criminal offences in the courts. Now, more than ever, there is a vacuum at the centre of politics. This will be filled by a party that defends the Constitution, fights corruption and fights poverty by sustaining economic growth and dramatically improving education and skills training. In short, there is a space for a party of principle that puts the needs of the people before the relentless pursuit of power. The DA will now accelerate its mission to build the moderate centre. If necessary, we will form strategic alliances with other opposition parties as well as members of the ruling party who cannot countenance the future South Africa faces under Zuma’s ANC. The battle for the soul of the ANC has been won. The battle for the soul of South Africa starts now. ######## |