Councillor's Corner
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Lifetime Bluff resident serving his third term in office as representative
of the area. Member of the Democratic Alliance.
of the area. Member of the Democratic Alliance.
This weeks Councillor comments
| Duncan Du Bois |
2 March 2007
Phone:467-0343 or mobile:083 291-4913
Municipal Manager - Dr Sutcliffe: Tel 311-2130 ;
SutcliffeM@durban.gov.za
SutcliffeM@durban.gov.za
Report dumping or unauthorised use of verges; Phone 311-7448
Metro All-Call / All hours Tel No.: 361-0000
Metro Police: Tel 402-0680
Brighton Beach SAPS: Tel 451 8060 / 8059
Brighton Beach Community Policing Forum Chairman:
Mr Eric Retzlaff : Tel 467-7473 or 084 4411-125
Metro All-Call / All hours Tel No.: 361-0000
Metro Police: Tel 402-0680
Brighton Beach SAPS: Tel 451 8060 / 8059
Brighton Beach Community Policing Forum Chairman:
Mr Eric Retzlaff : Tel 467-7473 or 084 4411-125
Useful Contacts
Fighting corruption: Manuel shows how
There is no room for dishonesty in a well-run ministry, like Finance, writes DUNCAN DU BOIS
The contrast between the efficiency of the Ministry of Finance and the rest of the government
is so stark it would seem that Trevor Manual and his team are from another planet. The
reason for that perception has much to do with the disease that has rendered governments
elsewhere on this continent dysfunctional.
Behind the pervasive culture of crime is corruption. That is not to say that all crime is
symptomatic of corruption in government, but that when a culture of entitlement exists within
government spheres, fuelled by ideological and historical relationships, the spread of
corruption is facilitated.
A study of the history of African states since independence shows that the onset of
widespread corruption was synonymous with the breakdown of democracy and the
establishment of single-party dictatorships. And even where electorates were able to vote out
corrupt governments, as was the case when Frederick Chiluba replaced Kenneth Kaunda in
Zambia, the pattern of enrichment continued. Corruption in Kenya is so entrenched as a
result of 24 years of it under Daniel arap Moi that despite his mandate to clean up Kenya’s
administration, new president Mwai Kibaki is proving disappointing.
Of course corruption is not peculiar to Africa. It’s rife in India and Russia. It’s long been a
concern in the United States where a century ago the trusts and their corporate allies
controlled American politics. However, Africa has been more prone to it because of the way in
which most African states came about.
Rush-released from colonialism to independence, little opportunity was afforded for the
tutoring of skills in governance. As a result, power was monopolised by oligarchies which
gave rise to the “big man” era in African politics. Premised on dictatorship, the most notable
achievement of those regimes was looting and poverty. Governments became the preserve
of the ruling elite. Patronage became the business of government.
Although former British colonies were better prepared for independence, they have fared no
better. Ghana, which celebrates 50 years of independence on March 6, was regarded as the
jewel in the crown of British colonies. Yet by 1964, Kwame Nkrumah, its first leader, had
transformed it into a one-party state and bankrupted its economy. Its once efficient civil
service was reduced to providing jobs for cronies and demanding bribes for routine service.
Fifty years on, corruption has become Ghana's biggest lament, notes Time magazine of
March 5. Denied the chance to develop a free and democratic environment, Ghana, like the
rest of Africa, bears the scars of decades of repression and exploitation, its current
generation pragmatic and wary of ideology.
At its inception, Zimbabwe was an even greater jewel than Ghana. Despite a decade-long
bush war and 14 years of sanctions, its economy and infrastructure was second only to South
Africa’s. Yet within three years, Robert Mugabe declared war on Ndebele tribesmen, killing
about 20 000 by 1985. Within 10 years of independence, Zimbabwe was a de facto one-party
state. The rest of its sad history can be summarised in a single word: Zanufication.
At every level and in all aspects of society and commerce, the interests of Mugabe’s Zanu-PF
took precedence. No business deal could happen unless it was to Zanu-PF’s benefit.
Zanufication became the way of life. The corrosive effects of unbridled power marginalised
opposition. Repression became the norm. And when only one enclave remained outside
Mugabe’s clutches, the white-owned farms, he resorted to land seizure. Constitutional
provisions and legal contracts proved meaningless in the face of the arrogance of power,
while Mugabe remained impervious to the poverty and starvation his actions caused.
Twenty-seven years on, Zimbabweans can only lament how wretchedly things have turned
out for them. Yet their point of no return began when corruption was allowed to go
unchecked. Given South Africa’s far more developed and extensive infrastructure, and the
diverse and heterogeneous nature of its population, the potential for corruption is even
greater.
Indeed, after 13 years of African National Congress rule the country is awash with corruption.
Moreover, the ANC harbours the same proclivities for Zanufication as numerous instances
country wide have indicated.
While the range and entrenched structure of organs of society opposed to autocracy is
certainly greater here than anywhere else in Africa, such armour is no guarantee against
Zanufication. However, there is one development which affords real hope and it is the
standard of governance set by Manuel and the Ministry of Finance. Characterised by
competence and efficiency, Manuel has shown the way to the rest of the ANC as far as
governance is concerned. There’s no room for incompetence and corruption when one runs
a tight ship, as Manuel does. The lessons from Manuel’s tenure in finance are clear: root out
incompetence, do not redeploy it, demand efficiency, get rid of yes men and apparatchiks,
banish mediocrity, punish wrongful behaviour, do not pamper it as in the case of Yengeni.
Above all, power must be tempered by humility. As the poet Stephen Spender wrote: “Without
humility power turns to public lies.” If such circumstances prevailed, corruption would not
become the leviathan that it is elsewhere in Africa.
• Duncan du Bois is a DA Durban Metro councillor and a political analyst. He writes in his
personal capacity.
Published: 2 March 2007
The Witness, Pietermaritzburg
There is no room for dishonesty in a well-run ministry, like Finance, writes DUNCAN DU BOIS
The contrast between the efficiency of the Ministry of Finance and the rest of the government
is so stark it would seem that Trevor Manual and his team are from another planet. The
reason for that perception has much to do with the disease that has rendered governments
elsewhere on this continent dysfunctional.
Behind the pervasive culture of crime is corruption. That is not to say that all crime is
symptomatic of corruption in government, but that when a culture of entitlement exists within
government spheres, fuelled by ideological and historical relationships, the spread of
corruption is facilitated.
A study of the history of African states since independence shows that the onset of
widespread corruption was synonymous with the breakdown of democracy and the
establishment of single-party dictatorships. And even where electorates were able to vote out
corrupt governments, as was the case when Frederick Chiluba replaced Kenneth Kaunda in
Zambia, the pattern of enrichment continued. Corruption in Kenya is so entrenched as a
result of 24 years of it under Daniel arap Moi that despite his mandate to clean up Kenya’s
administration, new president Mwai Kibaki is proving disappointing.
Of course corruption is not peculiar to Africa. It’s rife in India and Russia. It’s long been a
concern in the United States where a century ago the trusts and their corporate allies
controlled American politics. However, Africa has been more prone to it because of the way in
which most African states came about.
Rush-released from colonialism to independence, little opportunity was afforded for the
tutoring of skills in governance. As a result, power was monopolised by oligarchies which
gave rise to the “big man” era in African politics. Premised on dictatorship, the most notable
achievement of those regimes was looting and poverty. Governments became the preserve
of the ruling elite. Patronage became the business of government.
Although former British colonies were better prepared for independence, they have fared no
better. Ghana, which celebrates 50 years of independence on March 6, was regarded as the
jewel in the crown of British colonies. Yet by 1964, Kwame Nkrumah, its first leader, had
transformed it into a one-party state and bankrupted its economy. Its once efficient civil
service was reduced to providing jobs for cronies and demanding bribes for routine service.
Fifty years on, corruption has become Ghana's biggest lament, notes Time magazine of
March 5. Denied the chance to develop a free and democratic environment, Ghana, like the
rest of Africa, bears the scars of decades of repression and exploitation, its current
generation pragmatic and wary of ideology.
At its inception, Zimbabwe was an even greater jewel than Ghana. Despite a decade-long
bush war and 14 years of sanctions, its economy and infrastructure was second only to South
Africa’s. Yet within three years, Robert Mugabe declared war on Ndebele tribesmen, killing
about 20 000 by 1985. Within 10 years of independence, Zimbabwe was a de facto one-party
state. The rest of its sad history can be summarised in a single word: Zanufication.
At every level and in all aspects of society and commerce, the interests of Mugabe’s Zanu-PF
took precedence. No business deal could happen unless it was to Zanu-PF’s benefit.
Zanufication became the way of life. The corrosive effects of unbridled power marginalised
opposition. Repression became the norm. And when only one enclave remained outside
Mugabe’s clutches, the white-owned farms, he resorted to land seizure. Constitutional
provisions and legal contracts proved meaningless in the face of the arrogance of power,
while Mugabe remained impervious to the poverty and starvation his actions caused.
Twenty-seven years on, Zimbabweans can only lament how wretchedly things have turned
out for them. Yet their point of no return began when corruption was allowed to go
unchecked. Given South Africa’s far more developed and extensive infrastructure, and the
diverse and heterogeneous nature of its population, the potential for corruption is even
greater.
Indeed, after 13 years of African National Congress rule the country is awash with corruption.
Moreover, the ANC harbours the same proclivities for Zanufication as numerous instances
country wide have indicated.
While the range and entrenched structure of organs of society opposed to autocracy is
certainly greater here than anywhere else in Africa, such armour is no guarantee against
Zanufication. However, there is one development which affords real hope and it is the
standard of governance set by Manuel and the Ministry of Finance. Characterised by
competence and efficiency, Manuel has shown the way to the rest of the ANC as far as
governance is concerned. There’s no room for incompetence and corruption when one runs
a tight ship, as Manuel does. The lessons from Manuel’s tenure in finance are clear: root out
incompetence, do not redeploy it, demand efficiency, get rid of yes men and apparatchiks,
banish mediocrity, punish wrongful behaviour, do not pamper it as in the case of Yengeni.
Above all, power must be tempered by humility. As the poet Stephen Spender wrote: “Without
humility power turns to public lies.” If such circumstances prevailed, corruption would not
become the leviathan that it is elsewhere in Africa.
• Duncan du Bois is a DA Durban Metro councillor and a political analyst. He writes in his
personal capacity.
Published: 2 March 2007
The Witness, Pietermaritzburg
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You can contact Councillor D Du Bois by e-mail @ dubois@axxess.co.za